My 7x great grandfather Joseph Willard was born around 1686 in Lancaster, Ma. and married Elizabeth Tarbell around 1711. He and several of his brothers were among the first settlers of a section of Lancaster that eventually became the town of Harvard, Ma. He held several town offices and had a farm as well He and Elizabeth had seven children, all but one born in Lancaster and three of whom married members of the Haskell family:
William was born in 1713
Tarbell was born in 1719
Sybil was born on 19Feb, 1723
Lemuel was born on 28iJul, 1725
Joseph was born on 17May , 1728,
Amee was born on 25Dec, 1730
Charles was born on30 Dec 1734
Joseph died on 30Jul 1761 at Harvard. I have found no probate record for him as of yet.
I'm descended from his daughter Sybil who married Samuel Haskell, Sr.
A blog about genealogy and thoughts about the various roots and branches of my family tree as well as the times in which my ancestors lived.Included are the West, White,and McFarland families.WARNING:DO NOT TAKE ALL OF MY FAMILY RECORDS AS GOSPEL. ALWAYS CONFIRM YOUR OWN RESEARCH!
Showing posts with label Willard Family. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Willard Family. Show all posts
Sunday, December 01, 2019
Thursday, November 21, 2019
52 ANCESTORS IN 52 WEEKS 2019 WEEK 45: HENRY WILLARD OF LANCASTER, MA.:
Samuel Haskell Sr.'s wife was Sybil Willard, the great granddaughter of Simon Willard, a hero of King Philip's War. I wrote about Simon ten years ago so I will write now about Sybil's grandfather Henry Willard.
This is from Joseph Willard's family history, The Willard Memoir:
11. Henry, son of Simon and Mary; born at Concord, June 4,1655. He married, first, Mary Lakin, daughter ofLakin, of Groton, July 18, 1674, when at the age of nineteen. She died not later, I think, than 1688. Second, Dorcas Cutler, about 1689, perhaps of the Charlestown family. She survived her husband, and afterwards became the wife of Benjamin Bellows, for many years a resident of Lancaster. Henry Willard died leaving a good estate, and a large heritage of children. He had resided a while in Groton, but spent the principal part of his life in Lancaster, where he died, in middle life, in the year 1701. As several of his sons held highly respectable positions in life, it is a just inference in favor of the character of the parents. No contemporaneous notice of him is known to exist.-p359
Willard Memoir: Or, Life and Times of Major Simon Willard; with Notices of Three Generations of His Descendants, and Two Collateral Branches in the United States; Also, Some Account of the Name and Family in Europe from an Early Day Phillips, Sampson, Boston, Ma.1858
Henry did indeed leave a "large heritage of children", fourteen to be exact.Thirteen were with his first wife Mary Lakin/Larkin and one with his second wife Dorcas Cutler. All are mentioned in Henry's will which I found at the AmericanAncestors website and will transcribe eventually.
I'm descended from Henry and Mary's son Joseph Willard.
This is from Joseph Willard's family history, The Willard Memoir:
11. Henry, son of Simon and Mary; born at Concord, June 4,1655. He married, first, Mary Lakin, daughter ofLakin, of Groton, July 18, 1674, when at the age of nineteen. She died not later, I think, than 1688. Second, Dorcas Cutler, about 1689, perhaps of the Charlestown family. She survived her husband, and afterwards became the wife of Benjamin Bellows, for many years a resident of Lancaster. Henry Willard died leaving a good estate, and a large heritage of children. He had resided a while in Groton, but spent the principal part of his life in Lancaster, where he died, in middle life, in the year 1701. As several of his sons held highly respectable positions in life, it is a just inference in favor of the character of the parents. No contemporaneous notice of him is known to exist.-p359
Willard Memoir: Or, Life and Times of Major Simon Willard; with Notices of Three Generations of His Descendants, and Two Collateral Branches in the United States; Also, Some Account of the Name and Family in Europe from an Early Day Phillips, Sampson, Boston, Ma.1858
Henry did indeed leave a "large heritage of children", fourteen to be exact.Thirteen were with his first wife Mary Lakin/Larkin and one with his second wife Dorcas Cutler. All are mentioned in Henry's will which I found at the AmericanAncestors website and will transcribe eventually.
I'm descended from Henry and Mary's son Joseph Willard.
Tuesday, August 30, 2016
MIRIAM WILLARD
((I first posted this back in March 2009. Today is the 262nd anniversary of this event.))
Six years after the capture and release of Enos Stevens, Fort No. 4 was still
subject to Indian attacks. On 30th Aug, 1754, during the height of the French
and Indian War, another raid was made on what was now called Charlestown,
N.H. and members of the Willard family once more found themselves
captives. Miriam Willard was visiting with her sister Susanna Willard Johnson's
family when the home was attacked. Everyone had been asleep so there was
no fighting and no blood shed. Taken in the raid were Susanna and James Johnson,
three of their children, Miriam Willard, and two men, Ebenezer Farnsworth and
Peter Laboree.
Susanna Johnson later wrote an account of her captivity and you can read it here
at Susan S. Martin's "Northeast Captivity Stories". For reason's that will become
clear later, I will focus on Miriam here.
The Indians forced the captured colonists into a grueling march north to Canada,
at one point stealing a horse belonging to Phineas Stevens for the pregnant Susanna
Johnson to ride. After she gave birth to her child and it became obvious the horse
was too weak for the trip it was slaughtered and fed the whole party. For the most part
they were well treated, and the only restraint on young Miriam at night was that the
Indians "...simply required her to lie upon the ground, while an Indian
lay upon either side of her, with cords passed over her body and under
theirs, so that the least stir on her part would arouse them. She testified,
however, to their modest and correct deportment during her continuance
with them, though entirely subjected to their control."
- ((Seth Chandler, History of the Town of Shirley, Massachusetts, self-published 1883
pp 716-717))
Then the party separated, with Miriam being taken on to Montreal where the
Indians sold her to the French. But while her ransom was paid, she had no way to
to return home, and somehow ended up living in the household of the Lieutenant
Governor and earned her keep for several years as a seamstress making dresses for
the ladies and uniforms for the men. When James Johnson failed to return in time
(through no fault of his own) with the money needed to free the rest of the family,
Miriam was reunited with her sister Susanna's family. Mr. Johnson and his son
Sylvanus were freed a year later, leaving the two women and the younger children
behind until they were set free in a few months later.
Unfortunately, they were forced to take the long way home. First they were shipped
to Plymouth, England, and then back across the Atlantic to land in New York in
December of 1757. When they returned home to Charlestown just after New Year's
Day, 1758, they learned that their father Moses Willard had been killed in an Indian
raid two years before in 1756. Miriam went on to marry the Rev. Phineas Whitney
in 1762 but died in 1769. They had no children.
Now if any of this story sounds familiar to you, it's perhaps because you already have
read it elsewhere. Writer Elizabeth George Speare based her novel Calico Captive
on Susanna Willard Johnson's account of her family's ordeal and tells the story
through Miriam's viewpoint.
And I as a bookseller had stocked and sold this book as part of school summer
reading lists, never realizing until recently that it was the story of my distant
cousin Miriam Willard!
Six years after the capture and release of Enos Stevens, Fort No. 4 was still
subject to Indian attacks. On 30th Aug, 1754, during the height of the French
and Indian War, another raid was made on what was now called Charlestown,
N.H. and members of the Willard family once more found themselves
captives. Miriam Willard was visiting with her sister Susanna Willard Johnson's
family when the home was attacked. Everyone had been asleep so there was
no fighting and no blood shed. Taken in the raid were Susanna and James Johnson,
three of their children, Miriam Willard, and two men, Ebenezer Farnsworth and
Peter Laboree.
Susanna Johnson later wrote an account of her captivity and you can read it here
at Susan S. Martin's "Northeast Captivity Stories". For reason's that will become
clear later, I will focus on Miriam here.
The Indians forced the captured colonists into a grueling march north to Canada,
at one point stealing a horse belonging to Phineas Stevens for the pregnant Susanna
Johnson to ride. After she gave birth to her child and it became obvious the horse
was too weak for the trip it was slaughtered and fed the whole party. For the most part
they were well treated, and the only restraint on young Miriam at night was that the
Indians "...simply required her to lie upon the ground, while an Indian
lay upon either side of her, with cords passed over her body and under
theirs, so that the least stir on her part would arouse them. She testified,
however, to their modest and correct deportment during her continuance
with them, though entirely subjected to their control."
- ((Seth Chandler, History of the Town of Shirley, Massachusetts, self-published 1883
pp 716-717))
Then the party separated, with Miriam being taken on to Montreal where the
Indians sold her to the French. But while her ransom was paid, she had no way to
to return home, and somehow ended up living in the household of the Lieutenant
Governor and earned her keep for several years as a seamstress making dresses for
the ladies and uniforms for the men. When James Johnson failed to return in time
(through no fault of his own) with the money needed to free the rest of the family,
Miriam was reunited with her sister Susanna's family. Mr. Johnson and his son
Sylvanus were freed a year later, leaving the two women and the younger children
behind until they were set free in a few months later.
Unfortunately, they were forced to take the long way home. First they were shipped
to Plymouth, England, and then back across the Atlantic to land in New York in
December of 1757. When they returned home to Charlestown just after New Year's
Day, 1758, they learned that their father Moses Willard had been killed in an Indian
raid two years before in 1756. Miriam went on to marry the Rev. Phineas Whitney
in 1762 but died in 1769. They had no children.
Now if any of this story sounds familiar to you, it's perhaps because you already have
read it elsewhere. Writer Elizabeth George Speare based her novel Calico Captive
on Susanna Willard Johnson's account of her family's ordeal and tells the story
through Miriam's viewpoint.
And I as a bookseller had stocked and sold this book as part of school summer
reading lists, never realizing until recently that it was the story of my distant
cousin Miriam Willard!
Wednesday, August 10, 2016
52 ANCESTORS IN 52 WEEKS 2016 WEEK 28: JOHN WISWALL OF DORCHESTER, MA. PT 3
My 9x great grandfather John Wiswall moved from Roxbury to Boston in 1660 where he becsme
the Ruling Elder of the First Church of Boston. From what I've read a "Ruling Elder" ranked above
a Deacon but below a Minister in church hierarchy, and as such John Wiswall's name appears in many letters sent to and from the Church. There's quite a bit of them online which should keep me busy when I have time to read them all. But document concerning real estate was the first to catch my attention recently. It concerns a piece of land across the Mystic River from Boston in Chelsea, Ma.
Sometime in 1663 John Wiswall became part owner of a farm at Rumney Marsh, which was what Chelsea was called at that time. Eleven years later, he passed the land on to his son John Jr. which led to some lawsuits with the co-owners of the farm. I' ll explain why I've put some of the text
in boldface.:
In 1674 Elder John Wiswall, one of the grantees of Edward Lane in 1663, conveyed to his son John Wiswall, a man about thirty-five years of age, his half of the Keayne farms at Rumney Marsh.18 At the April term of the Suffolk County Court in 1678 John Wiswall, Jr., brought suit against Elizabeth Cooke, widow of Richard Cooke, for a division of the farms, but the verdict was for the defendant.10 December 27, 1678, John Wiswall, Jr., conveyed title to one-fourth of the large farm, exclusive of buildings, for £250 to John Dowlittle, and in 1680 he conveyed to Elisha Cooke his half share in the small farm.20 At the December term of the Middlesex County Court in 1678, John Floyd, as assignee of John Wiswall, Jr., sought to collect £37 lOsh. from Cyprian Stevens and Henry Willard for one year's rent, in 1676, for half of a "farme Comonly called Cooke & Wisswells farme in Rumney Marsh," and for twelve and one half loads of hay. The writ was served upon Cyprian Stevens at Rumney Marsh. Simon Willard, aged 29, and Daniel Willard, aged 20, made oath that John Wiswell, Jr., had improved his part of the farm " commonly called Captn Keans farm" in 1676, and sold some of the stock. In the end John Floyd was nonsuited, as the farm did not lie in Middlesex County, and neither of the defendants lived there.21 Presumably Cyprian Stevens and Henry Willard rented Cooke's half of the farm in 1676, as the preceding February was the date of the Indian massacre at Lancaster, when the settlers withdrew, and did not return until 1679. Among these were Cyprian Stevens and Major Simon Willard and his sons. Major Willard died at Charlestown in April. Henry Willard, son of Major Simon, was born at Concord, June 4, 1655, and married Mary Lakin of Groton, July 18, 1674. He returned later to Lancaster. Simon and Daniel Willard, the witnesses in the case, were sons of Major Simon Willard. Cyprian Stevens, born about 1650, fourth and youngest son of Col. Thomas Stevens of Devonshire, England (later of London), was the son-in-law of Major Simon Willard. In a list of the children "born in Lancaster Families during Exile after the Massacre" are Simon Stevens, August 13, 1677, of "Cyprian and Mary, in Boston"; also Elizabeth, in 1681, and Joseph, in 1682/3. In 1682, Stevens was clerk of the writs at Lancaster, where he spent his later life.22 In 1680 the great Keayne farm was described as in the occupation of John Wiswall, Jr., Cyprian Stevens, and John Dowlittle; the little farm was leased to Thomas Brentnall
Elder John Wiswall died in 1687, and now his son John Wiswall Jr was now known as John Wiswall
Senior as he had a son also named John. To differentiate himself from his father and son, the second
John Wiswall placed his birthdate after his name.
Apparently Wiswall remained in Rumney Marsh after possession was given to Nicholas Paige in December, 1686, as his name appears on the tax lists of 1687 and 1688. A petition was presented at the April term of the Middlesex County Court in 1691 by "John Wiswall, Senr, 27:2: 39." 24 He wrote that John Wiswall, Jr., was arrested at the motion of Robert Muzzey on suspicion of stealing from him, that the petitioner gave bond for his son's appearance in court. But "my Said Son," he continued, "is departed & gon out of this Collony without yor petitioners knowledg or Consent." He asked to be freed from his bond in consideration for the " heartbreaking Sorrow & Impoverishing expences he hath bin at & is now vnder by means of my Said Sonns Enormities — And my Endeavoring to Save him from publick Shame." 25 John Wiswall's name did not appear in the Rumney Marsh list for 1692; in 1691 it was in the list for precinct number eight in Boston. According to the Rumney Marsh list for 1687 he was taxed for thirty acres of arable land and meadow, and one hundred twenty acres of pasture, twenty-two head of cattle, eight horses, thirty sheep, six swine, and housing of more than the average value.-pp666-667
A Documentary History of Chelsea: Including the Boston Precincts of Winnisimmet, Rumney Marsh, and Pullen Point, 1624-1824, Volume 1 Massachusetts Historical Society, 1908 - Chelsea (Mass.)
Now, as to the boldfaced names and text: Major Simon Willard was my 8x great grandfather
and his son Henry Willard my 7x great grandfather on the West side of my Dad's family tree. I've
blogged about the Willards and the retreat from Lancaster to the Boston in the past, but other than
Simon Willard died in Charlestown I knew nothing else about their "exile". Now, while researching
the Barker side of Dad's family I've discovered that Henry was living on a farm across the river in
Chelsea!
What a small world colonial New England was back then!
the Ruling Elder of the First Church of Boston. From what I've read a "Ruling Elder" ranked above
a Deacon but below a Minister in church hierarchy, and as such John Wiswall's name appears in many letters sent to and from the Church. There's quite a bit of them online which should keep me busy when I have time to read them all. But document concerning real estate was the first to catch my attention recently. It concerns a piece of land across the Mystic River from Boston in Chelsea, Ma.
Sometime in 1663 John Wiswall became part owner of a farm at Rumney Marsh, which was what Chelsea was called at that time. Eleven years later, he passed the land on to his son John Jr. which led to some lawsuits with the co-owners of the farm. I' ll explain why I've put some of the text
in boldface.:
In 1674 Elder John Wiswall, one of the grantees of Edward Lane in 1663, conveyed to his son John Wiswall, a man about thirty-five years of age, his half of the Keayne farms at Rumney Marsh.18 At the April term of the Suffolk County Court in 1678 John Wiswall, Jr., brought suit against Elizabeth Cooke, widow of Richard Cooke, for a division of the farms, but the verdict was for the defendant.10 December 27, 1678, John Wiswall, Jr., conveyed title to one-fourth of the large farm, exclusive of buildings, for £250 to John Dowlittle, and in 1680 he conveyed to Elisha Cooke his half share in the small farm.20 At the December term of the Middlesex County Court in 1678, John Floyd, as assignee of John Wiswall, Jr., sought to collect £37 lOsh. from Cyprian Stevens and Henry Willard for one year's rent, in 1676, for half of a "farme Comonly called Cooke & Wisswells farme in Rumney Marsh," and for twelve and one half loads of hay. The writ was served upon Cyprian Stevens at Rumney Marsh. Simon Willard, aged 29, and Daniel Willard, aged 20, made oath that John Wiswell, Jr., had improved his part of the farm " commonly called Captn Keans farm" in 1676, and sold some of the stock. In the end John Floyd was nonsuited, as the farm did not lie in Middlesex County, and neither of the defendants lived there.21 Presumably Cyprian Stevens and Henry Willard rented Cooke's half of the farm in 1676, as the preceding February was the date of the Indian massacre at Lancaster, when the settlers withdrew, and did not return until 1679. Among these were Cyprian Stevens and Major Simon Willard and his sons. Major Willard died at Charlestown in April. Henry Willard, son of Major Simon, was born at Concord, June 4, 1655, and married Mary Lakin of Groton, July 18, 1674. He returned later to Lancaster. Simon and Daniel Willard, the witnesses in the case, were sons of Major Simon Willard. Cyprian Stevens, born about 1650, fourth and youngest son of Col. Thomas Stevens of Devonshire, England (later of London), was the son-in-law of Major Simon Willard. In a list of the children "born in Lancaster Families during Exile after the Massacre" are Simon Stevens, August 13, 1677, of "Cyprian and Mary, in Boston"; also Elizabeth, in 1681, and Joseph, in 1682/3. In 1682, Stevens was clerk of the writs at Lancaster, where he spent his later life.22 In 1680 the great Keayne farm was described as in the occupation of John Wiswall, Jr., Cyprian Stevens, and John Dowlittle; the little farm was leased to Thomas Brentnall
Elder John Wiswall died in 1687, and now his son John Wiswall Jr was now known as John Wiswall
Senior as he had a son also named John. To differentiate himself from his father and son, the second
John Wiswall placed his birthdate after his name.
Apparently Wiswall remained in Rumney Marsh after possession was given to Nicholas Paige in December, 1686, as his name appears on the tax lists of 1687 and 1688. A petition was presented at the April term of the Middlesex County Court in 1691 by "John Wiswall, Senr, 27:2: 39." 24 He wrote that John Wiswall, Jr., was arrested at the motion of Robert Muzzey on suspicion of stealing from him, that the petitioner gave bond for his son's appearance in court. But "my Said Son," he continued, "is departed & gon out of this Collony without yor petitioners knowledg or Consent." He asked to be freed from his bond in consideration for the " heartbreaking Sorrow & Impoverishing expences he hath bin at & is now vnder by means of my Said Sonns Enormities — And my Endeavoring to Save him from publick Shame." 25 John Wiswall's name did not appear in the Rumney Marsh list for 1692; in 1691 it was in the list for precinct number eight in Boston. According to the Rumney Marsh list for 1687 he was taxed for thirty acres of arable land and meadow, and one hundred twenty acres of pasture, twenty-two head of cattle, eight horses, thirty sheep, six swine, and housing of more than the average value.-pp666-667
A Documentary History of Chelsea: Including the Boston Precincts of Winnisimmet, Rumney Marsh, and Pullen Point, 1624-1824, Volume 1 Massachusetts Historical Society, 1908 - Chelsea (Mass.)
Now, as to the boldfaced names and text: Major Simon Willard was my 8x great grandfather
and his son Henry Willard my 7x great grandfather on the West side of my Dad's family tree. I've
blogged about the Willards and the retreat from Lancaster to the Boston in the past, but other than
Simon Willard died in Charlestown I knew nothing else about their "exile". Now, while researching
the Barker side of Dad's family I've discovered that Henry was living on a farm across the river in
Chelsea!
What a small world colonial New England was back then!
Friday, August 05, 2016
SIMON WILLARD'S RIDE
((Originally posted in Jan 2009 as "SIMON WILLARD PT2". Today is the 341th anniversary
of Simon's ride.He is my 9x great grandfather)).
In 1661 Massasoit,Sachem of the Pokanoket and the Wampanoag Confederacy
died. He'd had good relations for the most part with the settlers of Plymouth
Colony and a good case can be made that without his help, the settlement might
not have survived. But forty years of peace ended with his death. He was succeeded
first by his son Wamsutta, who felt his father had given the settlers too much
land and was seeking an alliance with the rival Connecticut colony when he died
under questionable circumstances in 1662. Massasoit's other son Metacom, now
became the grand sachem of the Wampanoags. He was better known to the
English as "King Philip."
Tensions mounted between the colony and the Indians as Philip sought to make
alliances with other tribes against the colonists and finally came to a head in1675.
John Sassamon, an Indian convert who'd gone to Harvard, warned the leaders
at Plymouth about Metacom's latest attempts to persuade the other tribes to
join in attacks on the settlers. A short while later Sassamon was murdered and
three Wampanoag Indians were arrested, tried, and convicted for the crime.
They were hung on 8 Jun 1675 . Two weeks later on 20 June, the town of Swansea
was attacked by Indians and destroyed five days later. The conflict that historians
call "King Philip's War" had begun.
Even though Simon Willard was now seventy years old, he was still in charge of
the defense of Middlesex County and despite his age went about it vigorously.
He led a small force of militiamen and friendly Indians and went from town to
town checking their fortifications and preparedness for attacks. At first these
were limited to the southern part of the colony but on 2 August a band of Nipmuc
Indians attacked the small town of Brookfield. The settlers took shelter in the
strongest building in town and held off the Indians for three days and made
attempts to send out messengers to find help.
Around noon on 5 August one found Simon Willard who was leading a mounted
force of 47 men from Lancaster to Groton. He immediately started out for
Brookfield which was about thirty miles from where the message had found him
and arrived at the besieged town shortly after dark. The Indians retreated at the
sudden arrival of Willard and his men and the Brookfield settlers were saved.
Four days later, the Indians attacked Lancaster, Simon Willard's previous place of
residence. Could it have been because of his rescue of Brookfield and his
prominence in the defence of the colony? Whether coincidental or deliberate,
the attack was one of many more to come.
It would be a busy fall and winter for Simon Willard.
of Simon's ride.He is my 9x great grandfather)).
In 1661 Massasoit,Sachem of the Pokanoket and the Wampanoag Confederacy
died. He'd had good relations for the most part with the settlers of Plymouth
Colony and a good case can be made that without his help, the settlement might
not have survived. But forty years of peace ended with his death. He was succeeded
first by his son Wamsutta, who felt his father had given the settlers too much
land and was seeking an alliance with the rival Connecticut colony when he died
under questionable circumstances in 1662. Massasoit's other son Metacom, now
became the grand sachem of the Wampanoags. He was better known to the
English as "King Philip."
Tensions mounted between the colony and the Indians as Philip sought to make
alliances with other tribes against the colonists and finally came to a head in1675.
John Sassamon, an Indian convert who'd gone to Harvard, warned the leaders
at Plymouth about Metacom's latest attempts to persuade the other tribes to
join in attacks on the settlers. A short while later Sassamon was murdered and
three Wampanoag Indians were arrested, tried, and convicted for the crime.
They were hung on 8 Jun 1675 . Two weeks later on 20 June, the town of Swansea
was attacked by Indians and destroyed five days later. The conflict that historians
call "King Philip's War" had begun.
Even though Simon Willard was now seventy years old, he was still in charge of
the defense of Middlesex County and despite his age went about it vigorously.
He led a small force of militiamen and friendly Indians and went from town to
town checking their fortifications and preparedness for attacks. At first these
were limited to the southern part of the colony but on 2 August a band of Nipmuc
Indians attacked the small town of Brookfield. The settlers took shelter in the
strongest building in town and held off the Indians for three days and made
attempts to send out messengers to find help.
Around noon on 5 August one found Simon Willard who was leading a mounted
force of 47 men from Lancaster to Groton. He immediately started out for
Brookfield which was about thirty miles from where the message had found him
and arrived at the besieged town shortly after dark. The Indians retreated at the
sudden arrival of Willard and his men and the Brookfield settlers were saved.
Four days later, the Indians attacked Lancaster, Simon Willard's previous place of
residence. Could it have been because of his rescue of Brookfield and his
prominence in the defence of the colony? Whether coincidental or deliberate,
the attack was one of many more to come.
It would be a busy fall and winter for Simon Willard.
Tuesday, February 02, 2016
LOOKING FOR MORE ABOUT MOORE PT3
Here's a quick update on where the Moore research is leading me at the moment:
-As I said in the last post, Abel Moor/Moore's parents were John and Susannah Moore/Moor. I've
since discovered that Susannah's maiden name was Willard, and that she was the daughter of my 8x
great grandfather Henry Willard by his second wife Dorcas (Cutler?). Henry's son Joseph Willard (whose mother was Mary Larkin) is my Dad's paternal ancestor, while Susannah is on the maternal
side.
-Abel Moor/Moore died a month after Stephen's birth.
- Abel's wife Betty Whetcomb/Whitcomb is decended from immigrant ancestor John Whitcomb and is also descended from Peregine White of the Mayflower.
-There's also probably another cousin connection between Dad's parents in the Moore family. On his paternal side he has Meriah (Moore) Houghton who was born in Lancaster to Jonathan Moore
and Hannah Sawyer. I'm trying to determine if she was an aunt or cousin of Abel Moore.
There will be more Moore blogposts to follow as I discover more.
To be continued...
-As I said in the last post, Abel Moor/Moore's parents were John and Susannah Moore/Moor. I've
since discovered that Susannah's maiden name was Willard, and that she was the daughter of my 8x
great grandfather Henry Willard by his second wife Dorcas (Cutler?). Henry's son Joseph Willard (whose mother was Mary Larkin) is my Dad's paternal ancestor, while Susannah is on the maternal
side.
-Abel Moor/Moore died a month after Stephen's birth.
- Abel's wife Betty Whetcomb/Whitcomb is decended from immigrant ancestor John Whitcomb and is also descended from Peregine White of the Mayflower.
-There's also probably another cousin connection between Dad's parents in the Moore family. On his paternal side he has Meriah (Moore) Houghton who was born in Lancaster to Jonathan Moore
and Hannah Sawyer. I'm trying to determine if she was an aunt or cousin of Abel Moore.
There will be more Moore blogposts to follow as I discover more.
To be continued...
Thursday, February 19, 2015
52 ANCESTORS IN 52 WEEKS 2015 WEEK 6: JOHN WYMAN PT2
I was fascinated by the references I'd found about my Wyman ancestors being in
some sort of dispute over a horse with someone named John Seers(Sears). It took me
a little while to track it down on Google but I finally did, and discovered more information
as well:
The lieutenant (Oakes) of Prentice's troop, who held office at the beginning of the war, having been assigned to another command, John Wyman, the cornet, was promoted to his place. In N. E. Hist. Gen Reg., xxxvii. 281, reference is made to a petition of Lieutenant John Wyman, asking for the release oi his son, who was lately married, stating that he himself had been in both the Mount Hope and the Narragansett campaigns, and in the latter had received a wound in his face; that his eldest son was killed in that campaign, and that his servant had been in the country's service all the past winter. The servant was Robert Simpson. Again, a well known character—John Seers, constable of Woburn—made complaint to the authorities that Lieutenant John Wyman and daughter, named Bathshcba, had together resisted him in the impressment of one of the horses of the said Wyman for the country's use, and for this offence they were both charged two pounds each as a fine. The date of Seers' petition was May 10, 1676, and the time of the trouble was April, 1676. Captain John Cutler, of Charlestown, marching through Woburn with several soldiers on the way to Billerica to attack the Indians, who had caused a stir at that place, having a warrant from the late Major Willard to the constable at Woburn and the constable at Billerica, to impress horses or anything desired for the service, found horses were very scarce, because on account of the stir at Billerica about twenty of the best of Woburn men and horses had already gone up to help them. Seers recites the hard words and action of resistance of Wyman, and prays for such legislation "as will prevent such abuse." "That so," he says, "I and other constables may not go in fear of our lives when we are upon the execution of our office."
A warrant had been issued to the constable for six carriage horses and three men from Woburn. Bathsheba Wyman, named above, married Nathaniel Tay, of Billerica,'May 30, 1677. Cf. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. xxxviii. 44; Hazen's Billerica, 120.
The troop of which John Wyman, of Woburn, was lieutenant was attached to the Massachusetts regiment, which was organized for the Narragansett campaign, and was present with the army in the memorable Fort Fight of December 19, 1675, being the only cavalry organization of the English there. A letter of Joseph Dudley at the time mentions a slight wound by an arrow in Lieutenant Wyman's face, which he received during a scout about four days before the occurrence of the famous Fort Fight. During this scout a number of Indians were killed or taken prisoners in nn attack on their wigwams, which were burned, the slight wound of Wyman being the only casualty received on the part of the English in that skirmish. Cf. N. E. Hiit. Gen. Reg., xl. 80, 88; xliii. 156.
-p384
History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts: With Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent Men, Volume 1 (Google eBook) Duane Hamilton Hurd, ed.
J. W. Lewis & Company, Philadelphia, Pa. 1890
Now I'd learned a bit more about John Wyman's military service. And the "late Major Willard"
mentioned was another of my ancestors, 9x great grandfather Simon Willard.
Next, I decided to try and find the petitions John Wyman had made, as well as that of John Seers.
To be continued...
some sort of dispute over a horse with someone named John Seers(Sears). It took me
a little while to track it down on Google but I finally did, and discovered more information
as well:
The lieutenant (Oakes) of Prentice's troop, who held office at the beginning of the war, having been assigned to another command, John Wyman, the cornet, was promoted to his place. In N. E. Hist. Gen Reg., xxxvii. 281, reference is made to a petition of Lieutenant John Wyman, asking for the release oi his son, who was lately married, stating that he himself had been in both the Mount Hope and the Narragansett campaigns, and in the latter had received a wound in his face; that his eldest son was killed in that campaign, and that his servant had been in the country's service all the past winter. The servant was Robert Simpson. Again, a well known character—John Seers, constable of Woburn—made complaint to the authorities that Lieutenant John Wyman and daughter, named Bathshcba, had together resisted him in the impressment of one of the horses of the said Wyman for the country's use, and for this offence they were both charged two pounds each as a fine. The date of Seers' petition was May 10, 1676, and the time of the trouble was April, 1676. Captain John Cutler, of Charlestown, marching through Woburn with several soldiers on the way to Billerica to attack the Indians, who had caused a stir at that place, having a warrant from the late Major Willard to the constable at Woburn and the constable at Billerica, to impress horses or anything desired for the service, found horses were very scarce, because on account of the stir at Billerica about twenty of the best of Woburn men and horses had already gone up to help them. Seers recites the hard words and action of resistance of Wyman, and prays for such legislation "as will prevent such abuse." "That so," he says, "I and other constables may not go in fear of our lives when we are upon the execution of our office."
A warrant had been issued to the constable for six carriage horses and three men from Woburn. Bathsheba Wyman, named above, married Nathaniel Tay, of Billerica,'May 30, 1677. Cf. N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. xxxviii. 44; Hazen's Billerica, 120.
The troop of which John Wyman, of Woburn, was lieutenant was attached to the Massachusetts regiment, which was organized for the Narragansett campaign, and was present with the army in the memorable Fort Fight of December 19, 1675, being the only cavalry organization of the English there. A letter of Joseph Dudley at the time mentions a slight wound by an arrow in Lieutenant Wyman's face, which he received during a scout about four days before the occurrence of the famous Fort Fight. During this scout a number of Indians were killed or taken prisoners in nn attack on their wigwams, which were burned, the slight wound of Wyman being the only casualty received on the part of the English in that skirmish. Cf. N. E. Hiit. Gen. Reg., xl. 80, 88; xliii. 156.
-p384
History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts: With Biographical Sketches of Many of Its Pioneers and Prominent Men, Volume 1 (Google eBook) Duane Hamilton Hurd, ed.
J. W. Lewis & Company, Philadelphia, Pa. 1890
Now I'd learned a bit more about John Wyman's military service. And the "late Major Willard"
mentioned was another of my ancestors, 9x great grandfather Simon Willard.
Next, I decided to try and find the petitions John Wyman had made, as well as that of John Seers.
To be continued...
Tuesday, August 14, 2012
THE INDIAN ATTACK ON RUTLAND,MA., 14 AUGUST,1723
((Today marks the 289th anniversary of an Indian attack on the town
of Rutland, Ma. of which several of my cousins were victims. This was
first posted in February, 2009))
It seems as though my Willard and Sawyer relations had more than their share of
adventurous and sometimes fatal encounters with Indians well into the 18th century.
As I mentioned previously, Cyprian Stevens had married Mary Willard, one of
Simon Willard's daughters, and their family was prominent in the continuing
settling of the New England wilderness. Their son Joseph Stevens and his
family were living in Rutland, Ma. on the morning of 14 Aug, 1723
when tragedy struck:
"... after family devotions and breakfast, he and his four sons went to Meeting
and were surprised by five hostile Indians. While Captain Stevens made his
escape in the bushes, two sons, Samuel and Joseph, were slain and scalped,
and the other two Phineas and Isaac, carried away prisoners to Canada. The
pluck of Phineas, who carried his younger brother on his back when he was
exhausted, saved him from being slaughtered to get him out of the way or left
to die alone in the forest. It was more than a year before the boys were
redeemed. A subscription was taken in the Framingham church, where the
Stevens family had been members, April 19, 1724. The father made two trips
to Canada and returned finally with Isaac August 19, 1725. Isaac was much
attached to his Indian foster mother and would have preferred to stay with
her, it is said. The cost of this ransom and other misfortunes impoverished
Captain Stevens and he died in want, Nov. 15, 1769."
((Ellery Bicknell Crane, Historic Homes and Institutions and Genealogical
and Personal Memoirs of Worcester County, Massachusetts N.Y. N.Y,
Lewis Publishing Company,1907 p 277 ))
Meanwhile their cousin, Reverend Joseph Willard, the minister of Rutland,
was out hunting when he was attacked by other members of the
Indian war party:
"Being out with his gun on August 14th, hunting, or to collect fodder for
the coming winter, he was surprised by two Indians, — one of the Indians'
guns missed fire, the other did no execution. Mr. Willard returned the fire and
wounded one of them, it is said, mortally ; the other closed in with Mr. Willard ;
but he would have been more than a match for him, had not other three come
to his assistance. And it was some considerable time before they killed Mr.
Willard. "
((Jonas Reed and Daniel Bartlett, A History of Rutland: Worcester County,
Massachusetts, from Its Earliest Settlement, with a Biography of Its First Settlers
Worcester, Ma, Mirrick & Bartlett, Printers, 1836))
Another account says the young Stevens boys witnessed his cousin's death before
being taken to Canada. Phineas was 16 years old and during his captivity learned
much about the Indian's methods of war and hunting, and in his adulthood would
become, as we'll see, one of the leading Indian fighters of the colony.
of Rutland, Ma. of which several of my cousins were victims. This was
first posted in February, 2009))
It seems as though my Willard and Sawyer relations had more than their share of
adventurous and sometimes fatal encounters with Indians well into the 18th century.
As I mentioned previously, Cyprian Stevens had married Mary Willard, one of
Simon Willard's daughters, and their family was prominent in the continuing
settling of the New England wilderness. Their son Joseph Stevens and his
family were living in Rutland, Ma. on the morning of 14 Aug, 1723
when tragedy struck:
"... after family devotions and breakfast, he and his four sons went to Meeting
and were surprised by five hostile Indians. While Captain Stevens made his
escape in the bushes, two sons, Samuel and Joseph, were slain and scalped,
and the other two Phineas and Isaac, carried away prisoners to Canada. The
pluck of Phineas, who carried his younger brother on his back when he was
exhausted, saved him from being slaughtered to get him out of the way or left
to die alone in the forest. It was more than a year before the boys were
redeemed. A subscription was taken in the Framingham church, where the
Stevens family had been members, April 19, 1724. The father made two trips
to Canada and returned finally with Isaac August 19, 1725. Isaac was much
attached to his Indian foster mother and would have preferred to stay with
her, it is said. The cost of this ransom and other misfortunes impoverished
Captain Stevens and he died in want, Nov. 15, 1769."
((Ellery Bicknell Crane, Historic Homes and Institutions and Genealogical
and Personal Memoirs of Worcester County, Massachusetts N.Y. N.Y,
Lewis Publishing Company,1907 p 277 ))
Meanwhile their cousin, Reverend Joseph Willard, the minister of Rutland,
was out hunting when he was attacked by other members of the
Indian war party:
"Being out with his gun on August 14th, hunting, or to collect fodder for
the coming winter, he was surprised by two Indians, — one of the Indians'
guns missed fire, the other did no execution. Mr. Willard returned the fire and
wounded one of them, it is said, mortally ; the other closed in with Mr. Willard ;
but he would have been more than a match for him, had not other three come
to his assistance. And it was some considerable time before they killed Mr.
Willard. "
((Jonas Reed and Daniel Bartlett, A History of Rutland: Worcester County,
Massachusetts, from Its Earliest Settlement, with a Biography of Its First Settlers
Worcester, Ma, Mirrick & Bartlett, Printers, 1836))
Another account says the young Stevens boys witnessed his cousin's death before
being taken to Canada. Phineas was 16 years old and during his captivity learned
much about the Indian's methods of war and hunting, and in his adulthood would
become, as we'll see, one of the leading Indian fighters of the colony.
Sunday, August 05, 2012
SIMON WILLARD'S RIDE
((Originally posted in Jan 2009 as "SIMON WILLARD PT2". I'm
reposting it under a new title because today is the 337th anniversary
of Simon's ride. Simon willard is my9x great grandfather)).
In 1661 Massasoit,Sachem of the Pokanoket and the Wampanoag Confederacy
died. He'd had good relations for the most part with the settlers of Plymouth
Colony and a good case can be made that without his help, the settlement might
not have survived. But forty years of peace ended with his death. He was succeeded
first by his son Wamsutta, who felt his father had given the settlers too much
land and was seeking an alliance with the rival Connecticut colony when he died
under questionable circumstances in 1662. Massasoit's other son Metacom, now
became the grand sachem of the Wampanoags. He was better known to the
English as "King Philip."
Tensions mounted between the colony and the Indians as Philip sought to make
alliances with other tribes against the colonists and finally came to a head in1675.
John Sassamon, an Indian convert who'd gone to Harvard, warned the leaders
at Plymouth about Metacom's latest attempts to persuade the other tribes to
join in attacks on the settlers. A short while later Sassamon was murdered and
three Wampanoag Indians were arrested, tried, and convicted for the crime.
They were hung on 8 Jun 1675 . Two weeks later on 20 June, the town of Swansea
was attacked by Indians and destroyed five days later. The conflict that historians
call "King Philip's War" had begun.
Even though Simon Willard was now seventy years old, he was still in charge of
the defense of Middlesex County and despite his age went about it vigorously.
He led a small force of militiamen and friendly Indians and went from town to
town checking their fortifications and preparedness for attacks. At first these
were limited to the southern part of the colony but on 2 August a band of Nipmuc
Indians attacked the small town of Brookfield. The settlers took shelter in the
strongest building in town and held off the Indians for three days and made
attempts to send out messengers to find help.
Around noon on 5 August one found Simon Willard who was leading a mounted
force of 47 men from Lancaster to Groton. He immediately started out for
Brookfield which was about thirty miles from where the message had found him
and arrived at the besieged town shortly after dark. The Indians retreated at the
sudden arrival of Willard and his men and the Brookfield settlers were saved.
Four days later, the Indians attacked Lancaster, Simon Willard's previous place of
residence. Could it have been because of his rescue of Brookfield and his
prominence in the defence of the colony? Whether coincidental or deliberate,
the attack was one of many more to come.
It would be a busy fall and winter for Simon Willard.
reposting it under a new title because today is the 337th anniversary
of Simon's ride. Simon willard is my9x great grandfather)).
In 1661 Massasoit,Sachem of the Pokanoket and the Wampanoag Confederacy
died. He'd had good relations for the most part with the settlers of Plymouth
Colony and a good case can be made that without his help, the settlement might
not have survived. But forty years of peace ended with his death. He was succeeded
first by his son Wamsutta, who felt his father had given the settlers too much
land and was seeking an alliance with the rival Connecticut colony when he died
under questionable circumstances in 1662. Massasoit's other son Metacom, now
became the grand sachem of the Wampanoags. He was better known to the
English as "King Philip."
Tensions mounted between the colony and the Indians as Philip sought to make
alliances with other tribes against the colonists and finally came to a head in1675.
John Sassamon, an Indian convert who'd gone to Harvard, warned the leaders
at Plymouth about Metacom's latest attempts to persuade the other tribes to
join in attacks on the settlers. A short while later Sassamon was murdered and
three Wampanoag Indians were arrested, tried, and convicted for the crime.
They were hung on 8 Jun 1675 . Two weeks later on 20 June, the town of Swansea
was attacked by Indians and destroyed five days later. The conflict that historians
call "King Philip's War" had begun.
Even though Simon Willard was now seventy years old, he was still in charge of
the defense of Middlesex County and despite his age went about it vigorously.
He led a small force of militiamen and friendly Indians and went from town to
town checking their fortifications and preparedness for attacks. At first these
were limited to the southern part of the colony but on 2 August a band of Nipmuc
Indians attacked the small town of Brookfield. The settlers took shelter in the
strongest building in town and held off the Indians for three days and made
attempts to send out messengers to find help.
Around noon on 5 August one found Simon Willard who was leading a mounted
force of 47 men from Lancaster to Groton. He immediately started out for
Brookfield which was about thirty miles from where the message had found him
and arrived at the besieged town shortly after dark. The Indians retreated at the
sudden arrival of Willard and his men and the Brookfield settlers were saved.
Four days later, the Indians attacked Lancaster, Simon Willard's previous place of
residence. Could it have been because of his rescue of Brookfield and his
prominence in the defence of the colony? Whether coincidental or deliberate,
the attack was one of many more to come.
It would be a busy fall and winter for Simon Willard.
Sunday, March 15, 2009
MIRIAM WILLARD
Six years after the capture and release of Enos Stevens, Fort No. 4 was still
subject to Indian attacks. On 30th Aug, 1754, during the height of the French
and Indian War, another raid was made on what was now called Charlestown,
N.H. and members of the Willard family once more found themselves
captives. Miriam Willard was visiting with her sister Susanna Willard Johnson's
family when the home was attacked. Everyone had been asleep so there was
no fighting and no blood shed. Taken in the raid were Susanna and James Johnson,
three of their children, Miriam Willard, and two men, Ebenezer Farnsworth and
Peter Laboree.
Susanna Johnson later wrote an account of her captivity and you can read it here
at Susan S. Martin's "Northeast Captivity Stories". For reason's that will become
clear later, I will focus on Miriam here.
The Indians forced the captured colonists into a grueling march north to Canada,
at one point stealing a horse belonging to Phineas Stevens for the pregnant Susanna
Johnson to ride. After she gave birth to her child and it became obvious the horse
was too weak for the trip it was slaughtered and fed the whole party. For the most part
they were well treated, and the only restraint on young Miriam at night was that the
Indians "...simply required her to lie upon the ground, while an Indian
lay upon either side of her, with cords passed over her body and under
theirs, so that the least stir on her part would arouse them. She testified,
however, to their modest and correct deportment during her continuance
with them, though entirely subjected to their control."
- ((Seth Chandler, History of the Town of Shirley, Massachusetts, self-published 1883
pp 716-717))
Then the party separated, with Miriam being taken on to Montreal where the
Indians sold her to the French. But while her ransom was paid, she had no way to
to return home, and somehow ended up living in the household of the Lieutenant
Governor and earned her keep for several years as a seamstress making dresses for
the ladies and uniforms for the men. When James Johnson failed to return in time
(through no fault of his own) with the money needed to free the rest of the family,
Miriam was reunited with her sister Susanna's family. Mr. Johnson and his son
Sylvanus were freed a year later, leaving the two women and the younger children
behind until they were set free in a few months later.
Unfortunately, they were forced to take the long way home. First they were shipped
to Plymouth, England, and then back across the Atlantic to land in New York in
December of 1757. When they returned home to Charlestown just after New Year's
Day, 1758, they learned that their father Moses Willard had been killed in an Indian
raid two years before in 1756. Miriam went on to marry the Rev. Phineas Whitney
in 1762 but died in 1769. They had no children.
Now if any of this story sounds familiar to you, it's perhaps because you already have
read it elsewhere. Writer Elizabeth George Speare based her novel Calico Captive
on Susanna Willard Johnson's account of her family's ordeal and tells the story
through Miriam's viewpoint.
And I, as a bookseller, have stocked and sold this book as part of school summer
reading lists never realizing until recently that it was the story of my distant
cousin, Miriam Willard!
Written for the 68th Edition of the Carnival of Genealogy
subject to Indian attacks. On 30th Aug, 1754, during the height of the French
and Indian War, another raid was made on what was now called Charlestown,
N.H. and members of the Willard family once more found themselves
captives. Miriam Willard was visiting with her sister Susanna Willard Johnson's
family when the home was attacked. Everyone had been asleep so there was
no fighting and no blood shed. Taken in the raid were Susanna and James Johnson,
three of their children, Miriam Willard, and two men, Ebenezer Farnsworth and
Peter Laboree.
Susanna Johnson later wrote an account of her captivity and you can read it here
at Susan S. Martin's "Northeast Captivity Stories". For reason's that will become
clear later, I will focus on Miriam here.
The Indians forced the captured colonists into a grueling march north to Canada,
at one point stealing a horse belonging to Phineas Stevens for the pregnant Susanna
Johnson to ride. After she gave birth to her child and it became obvious the horse
was too weak for the trip it was slaughtered and fed the whole party. For the most part
they were well treated, and the only restraint on young Miriam at night was that the
Indians "...simply required her to lie upon the ground, while an Indian
lay upon either side of her, with cords passed over her body and under
theirs, so that the least stir on her part would arouse them. She testified,
however, to their modest and correct deportment during her continuance
with them, though entirely subjected to their control."
- ((Seth Chandler, History of the Town of Shirley, Massachusetts, self-published 1883
pp 716-717))
Then the party separated, with Miriam being taken on to Montreal where the
Indians sold her to the French. But while her ransom was paid, she had no way to
to return home, and somehow ended up living in the household of the Lieutenant
Governor and earned her keep for several years as a seamstress making dresses for
the ladies and uniforms for the men. When James Johnson failed to return in time
(through no fault of his own) with the money needed to free the rest of the family,
Miriam was reunited with her sister Susanna's family. Mr. Johnson and his son
Sylvanus were freed a year later, leaving the two women and the younger children
behind until they were set free in a few months later.
Unfortunately, they were forced to take the long way home. First they were shipped
to Plymouth, England, and then back across the Atlantic to land in New York in
December of 1757. When they returned home to Charlestown just after New Year's
Day, 1758, they learned that their father Moses Willard had been killed in an Indian
raid two years before in 1756. Miriam went on to marry the Rev. Phineas Whitney
in 1762 but died in 1769. They had no children.
Now if any of this story sounds familiar to you, it's perhaps because you already have
read it elsewhere. Writer Elizabeth George Speare based her novel Calico Captive
on Susanna Willard Johnson's account of her family's ordeal and tells the story
through Miriam's viewpoint.
And I, as a bookseller, have stocked and sold this book as part of school summer
reading lists never realizing until recently that it was the story of my distant
cousin, Miriam Willard!
Written for the 68th Edition of the Carnival of Genealogy
PHINEAS STEVENS AND THE DEFENSE OF FORT NO.4
((This is another in a series of posts about the descendants of my
ancestor, Simon Willard, and their experiences in the Indian wars
of colonial New England.))
I've written earlier about the capture of young Phineas Stevens and his
brother by Indians in 1721. During his captivity he experienced and learned
much about Indian culture and this knowledge would shape the course of his
life.
After his eventual ransom and return home to his family, Phineas reached
adulthood and became an officer in the colonial militia. He also was sent
to Canada twice to negotiate the release of captives from Massachusetts and
on one of those he liberated was John Stark, who later became a general in the
American army and defeated in the British at the Battle of Bennington, Vt.
Phineas' most interesting exploit involves his defense of the frontier garrison
called Fort No. 4 which at that time was part of Massachusetts but it is now
Charlestown, New Hampshire. He took command of the Fort in March,1747
with a force of thirty men, and soon found himself under attack several
days later by a combined force of French and Indians led by General Debeline.
Phineas wrote about the siege to Governor Amherst of Massachusetts:
"Our dogs being very much disturbed, which gave us reason to think that the enemy
were about, occasioned us not to open the gate at the usual time; but one of our men,
being desirous to know the certainty, ventured out privately to set on the dogs, about
nine o'clock in the morning; and went about twenty rods from the fort firing off his
gun and saying, Choboy to the dogs. Whereupon, the enemy, being within a few rods,
immediately arose from behind a log and fired: but through the goodness of God, the
man got into the fort with only a slight wound. The enemy being then discovered,
immediately arose from their ambushments and attacked us on all sides. The wind
being very high, and everything exceedingly dry, they set fire to all the old fences,
and also to a log-house about forty rods distant from the fort to the windward; so that
within a few minutes we were entirely surrounded with fire — all which was performed
with the most hideous shouting and firing, from all quarters, which they continued, in
a very terrible manner, until the next day at ten o'clock at night, without intermission;
during which time we had no opportunity to eat or sleep. But notwithstanding all their
shoutings and threatenings, our men seemed not to be in the least daunted, but fought
with great resolution: which, doubtless, gave the enemy reason to think we had
determined to stand it out to the last degree. The enemy had provided themselves with
a sort of fortification, which they had determined to push before them and bring fuel
to the side of the fort, in order to burn it down. But instead of performing what they
threatened, and seemed to be immediately going to undertake, they called to us and
desired a cessation of arms until sunrise the next morning, which was granted : at
which time they would come to a parley. Accordingly the French General Debeline
came with about sixty of his men, with a flag of truce, and stuck it down within about
twenty rods of the fort in plain sight of the same, and said if we would send three men
to him he would send as many to us, to which we complied. The General sent in a
French Lieutenant with a French soldier and an Indian.
Upon our men returning, he desired that the Captain of the fort would meet him half-way,
and give an answer to the above proposal, which I did, and upon meeting the Monsieur,
he did not wait for me to give an answer, but went on in the following manner, viz. —
that what had been promised he was ready to perform, but upon refusal he would immediately set the fort on fire, and run over the top, for he had seven hundred men
with him, and if we made any further resistance, or should happen to kill one Indian,
we might expect all to be put to the sword. " The fort," said he, " I am resolved to
have or die. Now do what you please, for I am as easy to have you fight as to give up."
I told the General, that in case of extremity his proposal would do; but inasmuch as
I was sent here by my master, the Captain General, to defend this fort, it would not be consistent with my order to give it up unless I was better satisfied that he was able
to perform what he had threatened; and furthermore I told him that it was poor encouragement to resign into the hands of the enemy, that upon one of their number
being killed, they would put all to the sword, when it was probable that we had killed
some of them already. "Well," said he, "go into the fort, and see whether your men
dare to fight any more or not, and give me an answer quick, for my men want to be
fighting." Whereupon I came into the fort and called all the men together, and informed
them what the French General said, and then put it to vote which they chose, either to
fight on or resign; and they voted to a man to stand it out as long as they had life.
Upon this, I returned the answer that we were determined to fight it out. Upon which
they gave a shout, and then fired, and so continued fighting and shouting until daylight
the next morning."
But the French apparently were not in such a good position as they claimed, for the next
day they asked for a second parley and sent two Indians with a new offer from General
Debeline:
"That in case we would sell them provisions, they would leave and not fight anymore; and
desired my answer, which was, that selling them provisions for money was contrary to the
laws of nations, but if they would send in a captive for every five bushels of corn, I would
supply them. Upon the Indians returning the General this answer, four or five guns were
fired against the fort, and they withdrew, as we supposed, for we heard no more of them.
In all this time we had scarce opportunity to eat or sleep. The cessation of arms gave us
no matter of rest, for we suspected they did it to obtain an advantage against us. I believe
men were never known to hold out with better resolution, for they did not seem to sit or
lie still for one moment. There were but thirty men in the fort, and although we had
some thousands of guns fired at us, there were but two men slightly wounded, viz.
John Brown and Joseph Ely. (Saunderson's "History of Charlestown, N.H")"
- quoted in The History of Sudbury, Massachusetts. 1638-1889 by Alfred Sereno Hudson.
Despite the failure of this attack more were to come. A year later in June, 1748, Phineas'
son Enos was captured by Indians in the field outside the fort and continued the family
tradition of being carried off to Canada. He was released shortly after and sent home
by way of Albany, N.Y., a rather roundabout way of returning.
But six years later another attack on Fort No.4 would result in several of Simon Willard's
descendants taking an even longer journey home from captivity.
ancestor, Simon Willard, and their experiences in the Indian wars
of colonial New England.))
I've written earlier about the capture of young Phineas Stevens and his
brother by Indians in 1721. During his captivity he experienced and learned
much about Indian culture and this knowledge would shape the course of his
life.
After his eventual ransom and return home to his family, Phineas reached
adulthood and became an officer in the colonial militia. He also was sent
to Canada twice to negotiate the release of captives from Massachusetts and
on one of those he liberated was John Stark, who later became a general in the
American army and defeated in the British at the Battle of Bennington, Vt.
Phineas' most interesting exploit involves his defense of the frontier garrison
called Fort No. 4 which at that time was part of Massachusetts but it is now
Charlestown, New Hampshire. He took command of the Fort in March,1747
with a force of thirty men, and soon found himself under attack several
days later by a combined force of French and Indians led by General Debeline.
Phineas wrote about the siege to Governor Amherst of Massachusetts:
"Our dogs being very much disturbed, which gave us reason to think that the enemy
were about, occasioned us not to open the gate at the usual time; but one of our men,
being desirous to know the certainty, ventured out privately to set on the dogs, about
nine o'clock in the morning; and went about twenty rods from the fort firing off his
gun and saying, Choboy to the dogs. Whereupon, the enemy, being within a few rods,
immediately arose from behind a log and fired: but through the goodness of God, the
man got into the fort with only a slight wound. The enemy being then discovered,
immediately arose from their ambushments and attacked us on all sides. The wind
being very high, and everything exceedingly dry, they set fire to all the old fences,
and also to a log-house about forty rods distant from the fort to the windward; so that
within a few minutes we were entirely surrounded with fire — all which was performed
with the most hideous shouting and firing, from all quarters, which they continued, in
a very terrible manner, until the next day at ten o'clock at night, without intermission;
during which time we had no opportunity to eat or sleep. But notwithstanding all their
shoutings and threatenings, our men seemed not to be in the least daunted, but fought
with great resolution: which, doubtless, gave the enemy reason to think we had
determined to stand it out to the last degree. The enemy had provided themselves with
a sort of fortification, which they had determined to push before them and bring fuel
to the side of the fort, in order to burn it down. But instead of performing what they
threatened, and seemed to be immediately going to undertake, they called to us and
desired a cessation of arms until sunrise the next morning, which was granted : at
which time they would come to a parley. Accordingly the French General Debeline
came with about sixty of his men, with a flag of truce, and stuck it down within about
twenty rods of the fort in plain sight of the same, and said if we would send three men
to him he would send as many to us, to which we complied. The General sent in a
French Lieutenant with a French soldier and an Indian.
Upon our men returning, he desired that the Captain of the fort would meet him half-way,
and give an answer to the above proposal, which I did, and upon meeting the Monsieur,
he did not wait for me to give an answer, but went on in the following manner, viz. —
that what had been promised he was ready to perform, but upon refusal he would immediately set the fort on fire, and run over the top, for he had seven hundred men
with him, and if we made any further resistance, or should happen to kill one Indian,
we might expect all to be put to the sword. " The fort," said he, " I am resolved to
have or die. Now do what you please, for I am as easy to have you fight as to give up."
I told the General, that in case of extremity his proposal would do; but inasmuch as
I was sent here by my master, the Captain General, to defend this fort, it would not be consistent with my order to give it up unless I was better satisfied that he was able
to perform what he had threatened; and furthermore I told him that it was poor encouragement to resign into the hands of the enemy, that upon one of their number
being killed, they would put all to the sword, when it was probable that we had killed
some of them already. "Well," said he, "go into the fort, and see whether your men
dare to fight any more or not, and give me an answer quick, for my men want to be
fighting." Whereupon I came into the fort and called all the men together, and informed
them what the French General said, and then put it to vote which they chose, either to
fight on or resign; and they voted to a man to stand it out as long as they had life.
Upon this, I returned the answer that we were determined to fight it out. Upon which
they gave a shout, and then fired, and so continued fighting and shouting until daylight
the next morning."
But the French apparently were not in such a good position as they claimed, for the next
day they asked for a second parley and sent two Indians with a new offer from General
Debeline:
"That in case we would sell them provisions, they would leave and not fight anymore; and
desired my answer, which was, that selling them provisions for money was contrary to the
laws of nations, but if they would send in a captive for every five bushels of corn, I would
supply them. Upon the Indians returning the General this answer, four or five guns were
fired against the fort, and they withdrew, as we supposed, for we heard no more of them.
In all this time we had scarce opportunity to eat or sleep. The cessation of arms gave us
no matter of rest, for we suspected they did it to obtain an advantage against us. I believe
men were never known to hold out with better resolution, for they did not seem to sit or
lie still for one moment. There were but thirty men in the fort, and although we had
some thousands of guns fired at us, there were but two men slightly wounded, viz.
John Brown and Joseph Ely. (Saunderson's "History of Charlestown, N.H")"
- quoted in The History of Sudbury, Massachusetts. 1638-1889 by Alfred Sereno Hudson.
Despite the failure of this attack more were to come. A year later in June, 1748, Phineas'
son Enos was captured by Indians in the field outside the fort and continued the family
tradition of being carried off to Canada. He was released shortly after and sent home
by way of Albany, N.Y., a rather roundabout way of returning.
But six years later another attack on Fort No.4 would result in several of Simon Willard's
descendants taking an even longer journey home from captivity.
Sunday, February 22, 2009
THE INDIAN ATTACK ON RUTLAND,MASSACHUSETTS, 14 AUGUST,1723
It seems as though my Willard and Sawyer relations had more than their share of
adventurous and sometimes fatal encounters with Indians well into the 18th century.
As I mentioned previously, Cyprian Stevens had married Mary Willard, one of
Simon Willard's daughters, and their family was prominent in the continuing
settling of the New England wilderness. Their son Joseph Stevens and his
family were living in Rutland, Ma. on the morning of 14 Aug, 1723
when tragedy struck:
"... after family devotions and breakfast, he and his four sons went to Meeting
and were surprised by five hostile Indians. While Captain Stevens made his
escape in the bushes, two sons, Samuel and Joseph, were slain and scalped,
and the other two Phineas and Isaac, carried away prisoners to Canada. The
pluck of Phineas, who carried his younger brother on his back when he was
exhausted, saved him from being slaughtered to get him out of the way or left
to die alone in the forest. It was more than a year before the boys were
redeemed. A subscription was taken in the Framingham church, where the
Stevens family had been members, April 19, 1724. The father made two trips
to Canada and returned finally with Isaac August 19, 1725. Isaac was much
attached to his Indian foster mother and would have preferred to stay with
her, it is said. The cost of this ransom and other misfortunes impoverished
Captain Stevens and he died in want, Nov. 15, 1769."
((Ellery Bicknell Crane, Historic Homes and Institutions and Genealogical
and Personal Memoirs of Worcester County, Massachusetts N.Y. N.Y,
Lewis Publishing Company,1907 p 277 ))
Meanwhile their cousin, Reverend Joseph Willard, the minister of Rutland,
was out hunting when he was attacked by other members of the
Indian war party:
"Being out with his gun on August 14th, hunting, or to collect fodder for
the coming winter, he was surprised by two Indians, — one of the Indians'
guns missed fire, the other did no execution. Mr. Willard returned the fire and
wounded one of them, it is said, mortally ; the other closed in with Mr. Willard ;
but he would have been more than a match for him, had not other three come
to his assistance. And it was some considerable time before they killed Mr.
Willard. "
((Jonas Reed and Daniel Bartlett, A History of Rutland: Worcester County,
Massachusetts, from Its Earliest Settlement, with a Biography of Its First Settlers
Worcester, Ma, Mirrick & Bartlett, Printers, 1836))
Another account says the young Stevens boys witnessed his cousin's death before
being taken to Canada. Phineas was 16 years old and during his captivity learned
much about the Indian's methods of war and hunting, and in his adulthood would
become, as we'll see, one of the leading Indian fighters of the colony.
adventurous and sometimes fatal encounters with Indians well into the 18th century.
As I mentioned previously, Cyprian Stevens had married Mary Willard, one of
Simon Willard's daughters, and their family was prominent in the continuing
settling of the New England wilderness. Their son Joseph Stevens and his
family were living in Rutland, Ma. on the morning of 14 Aug, 1723
when tragedy struck:
"... after family devotions and breakfast, he and his four sons went to Meeting
and were surprised by five hostile Indians. While Captain Stevens made his
escape in the bushes, two sons, Samuel and Joseph, were slain and scalped,
and the other two Phineas and Isaac, carried away prisoners to Canada. The
pluck of Phineas, who carried his younger brother on his back when he was
exhausted, saved him from being slaughtered to get him out of the way or left
to die alone in the forest. It was more than a year before the boys were
redeemed. A subscription was taken in the Framingham church, where the
Stevens family had been members, April 19, 1724. The father made two trips
to Canada and returned finally with Isaac August 19, 1725. Isaac was much
attached to his Indian foster mother and would have preferred to stay with
her, it is said. The cost of this ransom and other misfortunes impoverished
Captain Stevens and he died in want, Nov. 15, 1769."
((Ellery Bicknell Crane, Historic Homes and Institutions and Genealogical
and Personal Memoirs of Worcester County, Massachusetts N.Y. N.Y,
Lewis Publishing Company,1907 p 277 ))
Meanwhile their cousin, Reverend Joseph Willard, the minister of Rutland,
was out hunting when he was attacked by other members of the
Indian war party:
"Being out with his gun on August 14th, hunting, or to collect fodder for
the coming winter, he was surprised by two Indians, — one of the Indians'
guns missed fire, the other did no execution. Mr. Willard returned the fire and
wounded one of them, it is said, mortally ; the other closed in with Mr. Willard ;
but he would have been more than a match for him, had not other three come
to his assistance. And it was some considerable time before they killed Mr.
Willard. "
((Jonas Reed and Daniel Bartlett, A History of Rutland: Worcester County,
Massachusetts, from Its Earliest Settlement, with a Biography of Its First Settlers
Worcester, Ma, Mirrick & Bartlett, Printers, 1836))
Another account says the young Stevens boys witnessed his cousin's death before
being taken to Canada. Phineas was 16 years old and during his captivity learned
much about the Indian's methods of war and hunting, and in his adulthood would
become, as we'll see, one of the leading Indian fighters of the colony.
Friday, January 30, 2009
SIMON WILLARD'S LETTER TO HIS DESCENDANTS
While researching the posts on Simon Willard, I found this posted on the
Willard Family Genealogy Forum on Genealogy.com by Lynnea Dickinson.
Since then I've found it posted on other sites. It's purported to be a letter
from Simon Willard to his descendants, but reading it, I got the feeling that
it was not written by him at all.
"To my children, for so I call you, though belonging to different generations, -
listen to my words of instruction, warning, and advice.
It is my privilege and my duty to hold converse with you, as I have been
constituted by our heavenly Father, the founder of a numerous race on these
Western shores. Born before the settlement of Jamestown and Plymouth,
and of an age to remember the voyage of the 'Mayflower,' - the news whereof
was brought even to my retired village of Horsmonden, - I was permitted
to live through an important epoch, when great principles were in discussion,
the settlement of which would affect future generations in the establishment
of justice and right, or the perpetuation of wrong under the forms of law.
The death of my mother, of blessed memory, when I was too young to know
the extent of my loss, and that of a father in my early youth, not, indeed, before
remembered words of counsel and affection, but when I needed his protection
and guidance, left me exposed to the temptations which invade the humble
village as well as the larger resorts of men.
But, though assailed, through God's mercy I was saved from falling; and trusting
in Him whom I had been in youth taught reverence, I was brought safely through.
My early training was in the church of England; and in the ancient parish church
I received in my infancy, the waters of baptism by the hands of the rector, Rev.
Edward Alchine, from whose instructions and catechetical teachings, when I came
of age to understand them, I trust that I received spiritual benefit. But my
religious preferences were in another direction, and I yielded to their persuasions.
I well remember, even with the dawn of reason and reflection, the great controversy,
which was then beginning to range with unwonted heat, even to the dividing of
families.
I had none to aid me in shaping my future course; and though I was prospered in
business and very happy with the wife of my choice, and might have borne my part
in my native village, the feeling increased, that this was not my proper sphere.
Neighbors and friends, the men of Kent, in various quarters, were preparing to
remove to the New World, where success had attended the Plymouth settlers, and
the larger and more imposing colony composed of those who lined the shores of
this beautiful bay. I was in sympathy with these Christians, while still loving the
church from which I had separated, and the 'tender milk' drawn from her breasts.
I saw the day approaching when sharp trials would begin, and I should be excluded
from the few religious privileges which remained for those who already were
stigmatized as schismatic. I determined to join those who were seeking a home in
the wilderness, where we might worship God in a way which we thought was of his
appointment. But how was this to be accomplished with a young family? Measures
of detention, which had now well-nigh reached their culminating point, were daily
becoming more stringent, requiring certificates of uniformity, and oaths of allegiance
and supremacy, of all who purposed embarking for the New World. Vessels were
carefully watched; and none could leave the realm, and take passage for New England,
without special permission, and having submitted to various orders exacted by authority.
I closed up my business in Horsmonden, made my preparations diligently and silently
in connection with a married sister and her husband, and bidding an affectionate adieu
to those of the family left behind, reached the coast in safety, where we found a boat
in readiness to take us to the vessel which was to bear us to our coveted retreat.
I cannot describe to you my sensations on forsaking my native land. Scarce ever beyond
the bounds of my little village, I was leaving home, with all its fond ancestral
associations, never to return. My emotions, on taking the last view of dear Old England,
were such as almost to over power me. All of love, all of memory, returned; and I felt
for the moment a doubt, whether I was in the way of duty in my removal. But it was
only for a moment. When the last speck of Kentish shore disappeared below the horizon,
I girded myself to the undertaking; cast no more lingering looks behind, but looked
forward over the wide waste of waters towards my detained abode; addressed myself
to all that belonged to its duties and obligations; and never at any one moment afterwards,
until the day that God called me hence from earthly scenes, did I regret the resolution I
had taken. We were favored in our passage, and our little fleet reached these shores in the
beautiful noontide of May, when all nature was bursting into life, as if to give us a glad
and smiling welcome to the new home of our pilgrimage.
I look around me; but all is changed that is under the power or control of man. In the
populous towns and cities which have sprung up, I cannot recognize the little hamlets,
once my familiar acquaintance. Even my ancient dwelling places - peaceful and humble
abodes in Cambridge, Concord, Lancaster, and Groton - can no longer be traced or
divined, except by those marks which God himself has established in the flowing waters
of the Charles, the Assabet, and the Nashaway. Strange sights and sounds salute my
senses; mysterious agencies of motion on land and water are all around me; and I
almost feel as if man was in communion with forbidden spirits.
Descendants, - Here I planted my stakes; here I made my home, nor wished to return to
the scenes of my youth. My venture here in new and untried existence, and I loved it.
God favored me with health, friends, and beloved children; while, by his will and the
love of the brethren, I trust I was helpful to the Commonwealth, at least in some humble
measure, in military, legislative, and judicial service, through a long period, until my death.
For all that I was enabled to do I was truly grateful, while conscious of my shortcomings,
and lamenting that my success did not equal my intentions.
It was my earnest wish to train up my children to walk in paths of virtue and usefulness,
and to educate them in human learning according to their capacities, that they might serve
their generation with fidelity. Herein I was aided and blessed in the schools, open to all,
which our honored magistrates and deputies caused to be established, that 'learning might
not be buried in the grave of our fathers, in church and commonwealth; 'and by the
teachings and instructions of worthy Mr. Bulkeley and Mr. Rowlandson. By their regular attendance on public worship, by observing the ordinances, by worship in the family, my
sons and daughters were in the sure way of preparation for good service in life and
becoming examples to their own children.
And now, if, in the day of small things, when we were few in number and weak in power,
surrounded by the savage, with none under God to help us save our own right arm, I was
of any service to church or commonwealth, I desire to first of all thank God, and give
him praise. I will not offer myself as an example for imitation, or commend myself for
having done aught, but only say that I have endeavored.
Consider what God has done for you. The wilderness and the solitary place have been
made glad for you; and the desert rejoices, and blossoms as the rose, as in the days of
Isaiah for the chosen people. Indeed, the little one has become a thousand; and the smal
beginnings, which I witnessed, have widened out to a powerful commonwealth, filled
with comforts, privileges, and blessings, countless in number and leaving little to be
imagined or desired. Think not that your own right hand has wrought out this your happy
condition; but give thanks to Him to whom they belong, and believe that never was a
people more highly favored.
You would honor my memory, and are very free in expressing veneration: but if you
would honor me aright, if you feel the veneration you express, show it by your deeds;
by reverence of that which is higher and holier; by doing all your duty actively and earnestly
in your generation; by adhering to the old paths of justice, faithfulness, and holy trust;
by sincerity in belief, abandoning all Antinomian heresies as you would the other extreme
of dead formalism; by being bold for the right, modestly and firmly maintaining your
opinions, whether called to public station or in the more private walks; following no
man and no cause because of popularity, shunning no man and no cause you believe to
be right because of unpopularity or reproach; but avoiding the parasite and self seeker,
and standing bravely by your own convictions. Thus did my son, even Samuel, in the
time of his pilgrimage, when he set himself in opposition to the greatest delusion that
ever visited this land, subjecting himself to great trial in the coldness of friends, and
the harsh judgment of an entire community; but, unmoved in his purpose, sustained by
his conscientious view of the right, calmly awaited that revolution in sentiment which at
once was the earnest and reward of his long and patient suffering.
Farewell !
Simon Willard
[Born 1605 Died 1676]"
One of the things that caught my attention was the reference to the trials of his
son, Samuel Willard, and a quick look up on Wikipedia showed that the Rev.
Samuel Willard had strongly opposed the Witchcraft trials. But the "greatest
delusion" had taken place nearly twenty years after the death of Simon Willard!
With a bit of digging I found "The Willard Memoir: Or, Life and Times of
Major Simon Willard " written by Joseph Willard in 1858. The full text was not
available on Googlebooks. I did, however, find the table of contents for the
book on Digital Editions and found my answer . There, listed under the Conclusion,
was this:
"The Voice of Warning and Instruction in the supposed Words of the
Subject of this Memoir, addressed to his Descendants, pp. 441-452."
Joseph Willard had imagined and written a letter from his ancestor. no doubt
to express his own view, but also unintentionally misleading future generations of
Willard descendants into thinking it had really been written by Simon Willard!
Willard Family Genealogy Forum on Genealogy.com by Lynnea Dickinson.
Since then I've found it posted on other sites. It's purported to be a letter
from Simon Willard to his descendants, but reading it, I got the feeling that
it was not written by him at all.
"To my children, for so I call you, though belonging to different generations, -
listen to my words of instruction, warning, and advice.
It is my privilege and my duty to hold converse with you, as I have been
constituted by our heavenly Father, the founder of a numerous race on these
Western shores. Born before the settlement of Jamestown and Plymouth,
and of an age to remember the voyage of the 'Mayflower,' - the news whereof
was brought even to my retired village of Horsmonden, - I was permitted
to live through an important epoch, when great principles were in discussion,
the settlement of which would affect future generations in the establishment
of justice and right, or the perpetuation of wrong under the forms of law.
The death of my mother, of blessed memory, when I was too young to know
the extent of my loss, and that of a father in my early youth, not, indeed, before
remembered words of counsel and affection, but when I needed his protection
and guidance, left me exposed to the temptations which invade the humble
village as well as the larger resorts of men.
But, though assailed, through God's mercy I was saved from falling; and trusting
in Him whom I had been in youth taught reverence, I was brought safely through.
My early training was in the church of England; and in the ancient parish church
I received in my infancy, the waters of baptism by the hands of the rector, Rev.
Edward Alchine, from whose instructions and catechetical teachings, when I came
of age to understand them, I trust that I received spiritual benefit. But my
religious preferences were in another direction, and I yielded to their persuasions.
I well remember, even with the dawn of reason and reflection, the great controversy,
which was then beginning to range with unwonted heat, even to the dividing of
families.
I had none to aid me in shaping my future course; and though I was prospered in
business and very happy with the wife of my choice, and might have borne my part
in my native village, the feeling increased, that this was not my proper sphere.
Neighbors and friends, the men of Kent, in various quarters, were preparing to
remove to the New World, where success had attended the Plymouth settlers, and
the larger and more imposing colony composed of those who lined the shores of
this beautiful bay. I was in sympathy with these Christians, while still loving the
church from which I had separated, and the 'tender milk' drawn from her breasts.
I saw the day approaching when sharp trials would begin, and I should be excluded
from the few religious privileges which remained for those who already were
stigmatized as schismatic. I determined to join those who were seeking a home in
the wilderness, where we might worship God in a way which we thought was of his
appointment. But how was this to be accomplished with a young family? Measures
of detention, which had now well-nigh reached their culminating point, were daily
becoming more stringent, requiring certificates of uniformity, and oaths of allegiance
and supremacy, of all who purposed embarking for the New World. Vessels were
carefully watched; and none could leave the realm, and take passage for New England,
without special permission, and having submitted to various orders exacted by authority.
I closed up my business in Horsmonden, made my preparations diligently and silently
in connection with a married sister and her husband, and bidding an affectionate adieu
to those of the family left behind, reached the coast in safety, where we found a boat
in readiness to take us to the vessel which was to bear us to our coveted retreat.
I cannot describe to you my sensations on forsaking my native land. Scarce ever beyond
the bounds of my little village, I was leaving home, with all its fond ancestral
associations, never to return. My emotions, on taking the last view of dear Old England,
were such as almost to over power me. All of love, all of memory, returned; and I felt
for the moment a doubt, whether I was in the way of duty in my removal. But it was
only for a moment. When the last speck of Kentish shore disappeared below the horizon,
I girded myself to the undertaking; cast no more lingering looks behind, but looked
forward over the wide waste of waters towards my detained abode; addressed myself
to all that belonged to its duties and obligations; and never at any one moment afterwards,
until the day that God called me hence from earthly scenes, did I regret the resolution I
had taken. We were favored in our passage, and our little fleet reached these shores in the
beautiful noontide of May, when all nature was bursting into life, as if to give us a glad
and smiling welcome to the new home of our pilgrimage.
I look around me; but all is changed that is under the power or control of man. In the
populous towns and cities which have sprung up, I cannot recognize the little hamlets,
once my familiar acquaintance. Even my ancient dwelling places - peaceful and humble
abodes in Cambridge, Concord, Lancaster, and Groton - can no longer be traced or
divined, except by those marks which God himself has established in the flowing waters
of the Charles, the Assabet, and the Nashaway. Strange sights and sounds salute my
senses; mysterious agencies of motion on land and water are all around me; and I
almost feel as if man was in communion with forbidden spirits.
Descendants, - Here I planted my stakes; here I made my home, nor wished to return to
the scenes of my youth. My venture here in new and untried existence, and I loved it.
God favored me with health, friends, and beloved children; while, by his will and the
love of the brethren, I trust I was helpful to the Commonwealth, at least in some humble
measure, in military, legislative, and judicial service, through a long period, until my death.
For all that I was enabled to do I was truly grateful, while conscious of my shortcomings,
and lamenting that my success did not equal my intentions.
It was my earnest wish to train up my children to walk in paths of virtue and usefulness,
and to educate them in human learning according to their capacities, that they might serve
their generation with fidelity. Herein I was aided and blessed in the schools, open to all,
which our honored magistrates and deputies caused to be established, that 'learning might
not be buried in the grave of our fathers, in church and commonwealth; 'and by the
teachings and instructions of worthy Mr. Bulkeley and Mr. Rowlandson. By their regular attendance on public worship, by observing the ordinances, by worship in the family, my
sons and daughters were in the sure way of preparation for good service in life and
becoming examples to their own children.
And now, if, in the day of small things, when we were few in number and weak in power,
surrounded by the savage, with none under God to help us save our own right arm, I was
of any service to church or commonwealth, I desire to first of all thank God, and give
him praise. I will not offer myself as an example for imitation, or commend myself for
having done aught, but only say that I have endeavored.
Consider what God has done for you. The wilderness and the solitary place have been
made glad for you; and the desert rejoices, and blossoms as the rose, as in the days of
Isaiah for the chosen people. Indeed, the little one has become a thousand; and the smal
beginnings, which I witnessed, have widened out to a powerful commonwealth, filled
with comforts, privileges, and blessings, countless in number and leaving little to be
imagined or desired. Think not that your own right hand has wrought out this your happy
condition; but give thanks to Him to whom they belong, and believe that never was a
people more highly favored.
You would honor my memory, and are very free in expressing veneration: but if you
would honor me aright, if you feel the veneration you express, show it by your deeds;
by reverence of that which is higher and holier; by doing all your duty actively and earnestly
in your generation; by adhering to the old paths of justice, faithfulness, and holy trust;
by sincerity in belief, abandoning all Antinomian heresies as you would the other extreme
of dead formalism; by being bold for the right, modestly and firmly maintaining your
opinions, whether called to public station or in the more private walks; following no
man and no cause because of popularity, shunning no man and no cause you believe to
be right because of unpopularity or reproach; but avoiding the parasite and self seeker,
and standing bravely by your own convictions. Thus did my son, even Samuel, in the
time of his pilgrimage, when he set himself in opposition to the greatest delusion that
ever visited this land, subjecting himself to great trial in the coldness of friends, and
the harsh judgment of an entire community; but, unmoved in his purpose, sustained by
his conscientious view of the right, calmly awaited that revolution in sentiment which at
once was the earnest and reward of his long and patient suffering.
Farewell !
Simon Willard
[Born 1605 Died 1676]"
One of the things that caught my attention was the reference to the trials of his
son, Samuel Willard, and a quick look up on Wikipedia showed that the Rev.
Samuel Willard had strongly opposed the Witchcraft trials. But the "greatest
delusion" had taken place nearly twenty years after the death of Simon Willard!
With a bit of digging I found "The Willard Memoir: Or, Life and Times of
Major Simon Willard " written by Joseph Willard in 1858. The full text was not
available on Googlebooks. I did, however, find the table of contents for the
book on Digital Editions and found my answer . There, listed under the Conclusion,
was this:
"The Voice of Warning and Instruction in the supposed Words of the
Subject of this Memoir, addressed to his Descendants, pp. 441-452."
Joseph Willard had imagined and written a letter from his ancestor. no doubt
to express his own view, but also unintentionally misleading future generations of
Willard descendants into thinking it had really been written by Simon Willard!
Thursday, January 29, 2009
SIMON WILLARD PART 3
The pace of the war picked up as the Summer of 1675 drew to a close. In September,
the New England colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven
formally declared war on 9 September. The Indians countered with attacks on
the towns of Deerfield, Hadley, and Brookfield, followed by Springfield and Hatfield
in October. While Simon Willard did the best he could to bolster defenses and
protect the towns, he didn't have enough manpower to be effective. Most of the troops
were deployed in the south to protect the more populous areas of Massachusetts and
Connecticut.
Matters worsened after the colonists attacked the Narragansett Indian settlement in
Rhode Island in the Great Swamp Fight which brought that tribe into a more active
role in fighting the colonists. Numerous settlements were destroyed or damaged
so badly that their inhabitants were forced to evacuate them and move back towards
the safety of the coastline. Among these were Simon Willard's own family. In
February 1676 the town of Lancaster was abandoned after an attack. Most of the
survivors of the attack had sheltered in a blockhouse owned by Cyprian Stevens,
Simon's son-in-law, which probably had been Simon's before his move to Groton.
The following month, it was Groton that fell and Willard's home was burned to the
ground. Like so many other colonists, the Willard family moved back to the safety of
Charlestown.
Even after that, the 70 year old kept up his busy work load, as this letter to
his superiors shows about his activities in the month of March, 1676:
" A short narrative of what I have attended unto by the Councill of late, since I
went to relieve G-roatton. The 21:1: 75-76, I went to Concord, and divided the
troope committed unto me from Essex & Norfolke into three pts one to garde
the carte, pressed from Sudbury, one pt for ye carte pressed from concord, both
to Lancaster, one pt for ye carte that went from Charlestowne & Wattertowne that
went vol- iiitiers or wear hiered when I had sent them to their severall places I
came downe being the 22: 1: 75-6 : & went to concord the 25 : 1: 75, when I
came there & inquired how it was with Lancaster the answer was they weare in
distresse, I prsently sent 40 horse thither to fetch awaye corne, and I went that
night to Chellmsfoord to se how it was with them, they complayned, Billerikye
Bridge, stood in great need of beinge fortified, I ordered that to be don, allso
they told me, that the Indians made two great rafts of board & rayles, that they
had gott, that laye at the other syd of the river, I ordered 20 souldiers to go
over & take them, & towe them downe the River, or prserve them as they se
cause, the 27 of this instant I went from Chellmsford to concord agayne when
I came there, the troopers that I sent to Lancaster last had brought away all the
people there, but had left about 80 bushells of wheat & Indian corne, yesterday
I sent: 40: horses or more to fetch it away, & came down from concord, this
day I expect they will be at concord, Some of the troope I relesed when this
last worke was don, the other I left order to scout abroad untill they heare
from me agayne, I thought it not meet to relese men, when we stand in need
of men, my desire is to know what I shall do herin in, concord & chelmsford
look every day to be fired, and wold have more men but know not how to
keepe them, nor paye them,
your humble servant.
Simon Willard 29:1:76. "
(from Mass State Archives vol 68 page 186, quoted in "Soldiers in King
Philip's War" by George Madison Bodge, Leominster, Ma, 1896.)
Simon Willard had returned to Charlestown on the same day he wrote this letter
and was performing his duties as part of the legislature when he came down with
what probably was the influenza. Perhaps he had already been weakened by
the stress on his health that such an active life in cold weather had put upon his
septuagenarian body. He died on 24 April,1676 and six military companies
took part in his funeral procession when he was buried on 27 April.
Simon Willard's family remained prominent in New England. Two of his
descendants were Presidents of Harvard University and ironically, the
name Simon Willard is better known because of another descendant, the
inventor of the Willard "banjo" wall clock. It's not surprising since
most of the heroes of the King Philip's War have been overshadowed by the
better known heroes of the French and Indian Wars and The American
Revolution.
But in the earliest days of the New England colonies when their existence was
threatened, it was men like Simon Willard who helped ensure their survival.
the New England colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven
formally declared war on 9 September. The Indians countered with attacks on
the towns of Deerfield, Hadley, and Brookfield, followed by Springfield and Hatfield
in October. While Simon Willard did the best he could to bolster defenses and
protect the towns, he didn't have enough manpower to be effective. Most of the troops
were deployed in the south to protect the more populous areas of Massachusetts and
Connecticut.
Matters worsened after the colonists attacked the Narragansett Indian settlement in
Rhode Island in the Great Swamp Fight which brought that tribe into a more active
role in fighting the colonists. Numerous settlements were destroyed or damaged
so badly that their inhabitants were forced to evacuate them and move back towards
the safety of the coastline. Among these were Simon Willard's own family. In
February 1676 the town of Lancaster was abandoned after an attack. Most of the
survivors of the attack had sheltered in a blockhouse owned by Cyprian Stevens,
Simon's son-in-law, which probably had been Simon's before his move to Groton.
The following month, it was Groton that fell and Willard's home was burned to the
ground. Like so many other colonists, the Willard family moved back to the safety of
Charlestown.
Even after that, the 70 year old kept up his busy work load, as this letter to
his superiors shows about his activities in the month of March, 1676:
" A short narrative of what I have attended unto by the Councill of late, since I
went to relieve G-roatton. The 21:1: 75-76, I went to Concord, and divided the
troope committed unto me from Essex & Norfolke into three pts one to garde
the carte, pressed from Sudbury, one pt for ye carte pressed from concord, both
to Lancaster, one pt for ye carte that went from Charlestowne & Wattertowne that
went vol- iiitiers or wear hiered when I had sent them to their severall places I
came downe being the 22: 1: 75-6 : & went to concord the 25 : 1: 75, when I
came there & inquired how it was with Lancaster the answer was they weare in
distresse, I prsently sent 40 horse thither to fetch awaye corne, and I went that
night to Chellmsfoord to se how it was with them, they complayned, Billerikye
Bridge, stood in great need of beinge fortified, I ordered that to be don, allso
they told me, that the Indians made two great rafts of board & rayles, that they
had gott, that laye at the other syd of the river, I ordered 20 souldiers to go
over & take them, & towe them downe the River, or prserve them as they se
cause, the 27 of this instant I went from Chellmsford to concord agayne when
I came there, the troopers that I sent to Lancaster last had brought away all the
people there, but had left about 80 bushells of wheat & Indian corne, yesterday
I sent: 40: horses or more to fetch it away, & came down from concord, this
day I expect they will be at concord, Some of the troope I relesed when this
last worke was don, the other I left order to scout abroad untill they heare
from me agayne, I thought it not meet to relese men, when we stand in need
of men, my desire is to know what I shall do herin in, concord & chelmsford
look every day to be fired, and wold have more men but know not how to
keepe them, nor paye them,
your humble servant.
Simon Willard 29:1:76. "
(from Mass State Archives vol 68 page 186, quoted in "Soldiers in King
Philip's War" by George Madison Bodge, Leominster, Ma, 1896.)
Simon Willard had returned to Charlestown on the same day he wrote this letter
and was performing his duties as part of the legislature when he came down with
what probably was the influenza. Perhaps he had already been weakened by
the stress on his health that such an active life in cold weather had put upon his
septuagenarian body. He died on 24 April,1676 and six military companies
took part in his funeral procession when he was buried on 27 April.
Simon Willard's family remained prominent in New England. Two of his
descendants were Presidents of Harvard University and ironically, the
name Simon Willard is better known because of another descendant, the
inventor of the Willard "banjo" wall clock. It's not surprising since
most of the heroes of the King Philip's War have been overshadowed by the
better known heroes of the French and Indian Wars and The American
Revolution.
But in the earliest days of the New England colonies when their existence was
threatened, it was men like Simon Willard who helped ensure their survival.
Wednesday, January 28, 2009
SIMON WILLARD PART 2
In 1661 Massasoit,Sachem of the Pokanoket and the Wampanoag Confederacy
died. He'd had good relations for the most part with the settlers of Plymouth
Colony and a good case can be made that without his help, the settlement might
not have survived. But forty years of peace ended with his death. He was succeeded
first by his son Wamsutta, who felt his father had given the settlers too much
land and was seeking an alliance with the rival Connecticut colony when he died
under questionable circumstances in 1662. Massasoit's other son Metacom, now
became the grand sachem of the Wampanoags. He was better known to the
English as "King Philip."
Tensions mounted between the colony and the Indians as Philip sought to make
alliances with other tribes against the colonists and finally came to a head in1675.
John Sassamon, an Indian convert who'd gone to Harvard, warned the leaders
at Plymouth about Metacom's latest attempts to persuade the other tribes to
join in attacks on the settlers. A short while later Sassamon was murdered and
three Wampanoag Indians were arrested, tried, and convicted for the crime.
They were hung on 8 Jun 1675 . Two weeks later on 20 June, the town of Swansea
was attacked by Indians and destroyed five days later. The conflict that historians
call "King Philip's War" had begun.
Even though Simon Willard was now seventy years old, he was still in charge of
the defense of Middlesex County and despite his age went about it vigorously.
He led a small force of militiamen and friendly Indians and went from town to
town checking their fortifications and preparedness for attacks. At first these
were limited to the southern part of the colony but on 2 August a band of Nipmuc
Indians attacked the small town of Brookfield. The settlers took shelter in the
strongest building in town and held off the Indians for three days and made
attempts to send out messengers to find help.
Around noon on 5 August one found Simon Willard who was leading a mounted
force of 47 men from Lancaster to Groton. He immediately started out for
Brookfield which was about thirty miles from where the message had found him
and arrived at the besieged town shortly after dark. The Indians retreated at the
sudden arrival of Willard and his men and the Brookfield settlers were saved.
Four days later, the Indians attacked Lancaster, Simon Willard's previous place of
residence. Could it have been because of his rescue of Brookfield and his
prominence in the defence of the colony? Whether coincidental or deliberate,
the attack was one of many more to come.
It would be a busy fall and winter for Simon Willard.
died. He'd had good relations for the most part with the settlers of Plymouth
Colony and a good case can be made that without his help, the settlement might
not have survived. But forty years of peace ended with his death. He was succeeded
first by his son Wamsutta, who felt his father had given the settlers too much
land and was seeking an alliance with the rival Connecticut colony when he died
under questionable circumstances in 1662. Massasoit's other son Metacom, now
became the grand sachem of the Wampanoags. He was better known to the
English as "King Philip."
Tensions mounted between the colony and the Indians as Philip sought to make
alliances with other tribes against the colonists and finally came to a head in1675.
John Sassamon, an Indian convert who'd gone to Harvard, warned the leaders
at Plymouth about Metacom's latest attempts to persuade the other tribes to
join in attacks on the settlers. A short while later Sassamon was murdered and
three Wampanoag Indians were arrested, tried, and convicted for the crime.
They were hung on 8 Jun 1675 . Two weeks later on 20 June, the town of Swansea
was attacked by Indians and destroyed five days later. The conflict that historians
call "King Philip's War" had begun.
Even though Simon Willard was now seventy years old, he was still in charge of
the defense of Middlesex County and despite his age went about it vigorously.
He led a small force of militiamen and friendly Indians and went from town to
town checking their fortifications and preparedness for attacks. At first these
were limited to the southern part of the colony but on 2 August a band of Nipmuc
Indians attacked the small town of Brookfield. The settlers took shelter in the
strongest building in town and held off the Indians for three days and made
attempts to send out messengers to find help.
Around noon on 5 August one found Simon Willard who was leading a mounted
force of 47 men from Lancaster to Groton. He immediately started out for
Brookfield which was about thirty miles from where the message had found him
and arrived at the besieged town shortly after dark. The Indians retreated at the
sudden arrival of Willard and his men and the Brookfield settlers were saved.
Four days later, the Indians attacked Lancaster, Simon Willard's previous place of
residence. Could it have been because of his rescue of Brookfield and his
prominence in the defence of the colony? Whether coincidental or deliberate,
the attack was one of many more to come.
It would be a busy fall and winter for Simon Willard.
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